Archive for April 2017

Thoughts on Augustine by Alexander V.G. Allen

April 15, 2017

I’ve decided to take a short break in my series of posts quoting Pastor Thomas Allin on Augustine to quote Alexander V.G. Allen on the same topic. Professor Allen’s book “The Continuity of Christian Thought: A study of Modern Theology In Light of Its History” was published in 1887 so some might think it has nothing to say to those of us living in the 21st century. I actually believe that the contrary is true; what Augustine actually taught is being ignored and with the resurgence of Calvinism (an offshoot of Augustinianism) needs to be studied carefully. If you don’t think that’s true I invite you to look for books critical of Augustine. The only ones I have found were originally published no later than 1914.

Professor Allen has some thoughts on Augustine that I never heard before and I want to share them with you. Anyone who has read my articles on Augustine will know I do not consider him to be a great theologian, I do believe he was a great philosopher but that is a different thing altogether. Professor Allen believes that Augustine had motives beyond love of the Word of God for the theological positions he took. This makes sense to me since it is consistent with human nature but you need to make up your own minds.

At that I will let Professor Allen share his thoughts with you:

To this church it was that Augustine had been converted, although the full significance of his conversion was not at once apparent, and for years his thought was in confusion in consequence of the lingering influence of a higher theology. But from the time when he became Bishop of Hippo, the ecclesiastical leaven began to work most powerfully, and truth, as such, was no longer the object of his life. Before the Pelagian controversy began, he was seeking for some dogmatic basis by which to justify the claims of the church as a mediator between God and man, without whose intervention salvation was impossible. In so doing he was laying the cornerstone of Latin theology. When the Pelagian controversy was over, the Latin church was for the first time in possession of a theology of its own, differing at every point from the earlier Greek theology, starting from different premises and actuated throughout by another motive.[i]

The foundation of that theology was the Augustinian dogma of original sin. That doctrine was alone adequate to explain the existence and mediatorship of the church, or to justify its claim to teach and to rule with supreme authority. The dogma of original sin was unknown to Greek theology as well as an innovation also in Latin thought, though it had vaguely broached by Tertullian and Cyprian, and intimations looking toward it are to be found in the writings of Ambrose. According to this dogma, humanity is absolutely separated from God in consequence of Adam’s sin. In the guilt of that sin the whole human race is implicated, and has therefore fallen under the wrath and condemnation of God, — a condemnation which dooms the race, as a whole and as individuals, to everlasting woe. So deeply is Augustine interested in establishing this position, that the redemption of the world by Christ inevitably assumes a subordinate place, and is practically denied. Adam and not Christ becomes the normal man, the type and representative, the federal head of the race. There is a solidarity of mankind in sin and guilt, but not in redemption, — a solidarity in Adam, not in Christ. There stands, as it were, at the opening of the drama of human history a quasi-supernatural being, whose rebellion involves the whole human family in destruction. Endowed with a supernatural gift, — the image of God in his constitution which united him closely with his maker, — he lost it for himself and his descendants by one sinful act, and thus cut off humanity from any relationship with God. In this catastrophe, the reason, the conscience, the will of man suffered alike; the traces of the divine image in human nature were destroyed.

How then is the sundered relationship to be restored? What is redemption, and how is it to be applied? The place of Christ in Augustine’s scheme is not a prominent one, for humanity has not been redeemed. Augustine continues to speak of Christ, it is true, in the conventional way, but he no longer finds in His work any bond which unites God with humanity. The incarnation has become a mystery, — God chose to accomplish human salvation in this way, but as far as we can see He might have adopted some other method. It almost seems as though, if Christ were left out altogether, the scheme of Augustine would still maintain its consistency as a whole and retain its value as a working system. The reasons which led Augustine to deny the universality of redemption were the same as had influenced Gnostics and Manicheans, — he was oppressed by the sense of sin in himself, the knowledge of it in others, the appalling extent and depth of human wickedness; these things to the mind of a practical Roman made it meaningless to think or act as if humanity were redeemed to God. But when the Christian principle of redemption had been abandoned, there was only one other alternative, and that was to follow still further in Gnostic and Manichean footsteps, — to adopt the principle of an individual election by which some souls were saved out of the great mass doomed to destruction. The bond of union between this world and God is the divine will, — a will not grounded in righteousness or love, into whose mysterious ways it is vain for man to inquire, the justice of which it is presumptuous for him to discuss. That will whose arbitrary determinations constitute right, chooses some to salvation and leaves the rest to follow out the way to endless misery. In one respect the Augustinian idea of predestination diverged from the Gnostic and approximated the later Mohammedan conception, — it is a predestination which acts here and there in an arbitrary way without reference to human efforts or attainments. The clearest manifestation of the divine will in the world, which is open to the gaze of all, is the Catholic church, the one divinely appointed channel through which God has decreed that the elect are to be saved. Predestination is to a process within the church. For although Augustine believed that outside of the church none could be saved, he by no means held that all within the church would escape damnation. Although all are to be compelled to enter the church, this is only in order that the elect among them who are known only to God may obtain the grace to be found alone in the church, by which they make their election sure.

The Continuity of Christian Thought: A study of Modern Theology In Light of Its History
by Alexander V.G. Allen
pp. 156-159

For a list of all posts in this series please see: Posts Quoting From Thomas Allin’s “Augustinian Revolution in Theology”


[i] It is in his famous treatise De Civitate Dei, and in his anti-Pelagian writings passim, that Augustine’s matured theological convictions are to be found in their complete form.

“The Augustinian Revolution in Theology” Part VII

April 2, 2017

In this week’s excerpt from Pastor Thomas Allin’s “The Augustinian Revolution in Theology” we finish with Augustine’s teaching on double predestination and move into his teaching on persecution.

As we go through these quotes and I reread them I still can’t believe the coldness shown in Augustine’s writing and it bothers me deeply that these writings have had such a long term effect on the Church. I do not believe that what Augustine teaches accurately reflects God’s character as revealed in scripture. However as I’ve said many times I will let any readers decide for themselves.

Here is Pastor Allin:

The next stage is the question, Does God then directly predestinate the lost? An authority so friendly to Augustine as Professor Mozley can see no distinction, in essence, between Augustine’s doctrine of Predestination and that of Calvin. This is, I believe, true. In numerous passages Augustine asserts God’s direct agency in the reprobation of sinners. He says that God predestinated some to the extremest pain; (a) that God predestinated some to eternal death; (b) that He justly predestinated some to punishment. (c) Or take such phrases as these: “Damnandi predestinati [predestined to damnation?],” “Tanquam in furore quo iniquos damnare statuisti.” (d) There is certainly a distinction between Augustine and Calvin on this point. Calvin is technically “supra-lapsarian” and Augustine “sub-lapsarian.” That is to say, Calvin teaches that God reprobates prior to any human act; Augustine that God reprobates having given all men a free power of choosing in Adam! Thus Augustine can say that the evil will of the lost, and not God’s decree, is the cause of their ruin. (e) Substantially the case stands thus: If mankind enjoyed free choice in Adam, then God condemns to all eternity those who have freely chosen evil. This Ausgustine’s meaning. That it differs from Calvin’s teaching is verbally true.

We must here remark once more, on this point, Augustine succeeds in adding to the painful impression he has already made. There are those among the baptized who fear God, with whom he plays as a cat with a mouse. I can find no apter language to express my meaning. To some, it may be to very many, there is given, he tells us, a sort of quasi-grace, real but not permanent. He describes this class variously. They are regenerate and adopted, (f) devout, (g) God’s righteous ones. (h) They live well and piously; they live according to God, who gives them that love by which they lead a Christian life – they have faith, hope and love; they obey God. (i) Yet their tears are unavailing, their prayers are in vain, their love fruitless. God withdraws His gifts, and they sink into the pit of hell, and there for ever lie. For they are – these are Augustine’s very words – “children of perdition.” (j) When even Augustine shudders at his own doctrine, the case must be desperate indeed. Even from him this strange doctrine draws the cry that it is “most true,” yet “most evil,” most awkward, most unseemly, most outrageous. (k) It only remains if we would make our picture complete, for us to point to Augustine as a persecutor, or more accurately an apologist for, and an earnest inciter to persecution. (l) He cannot indeed claim to be the first who approved persecution. Lucifer of Cagliari and Julius Firmicus Maternus anticipated him in this in the West, and his own words show that his North African contemporaries were of the same mind. But there is one thing the credit – or discredit – of which must be confessed to be truly his – he first drew up in form and order the arguments for persecution. When he had written his “Contra Gaudeutium” and his 93rd, 185th and 204th Epistles, the Church was virtually in possession of a Manual of Persecution, and the most horrible chapter in [the] Western ecclesiastical story has received the virtual sanction of the greatest of Western doctors. In earlier life he had opposed persecution. (m) And we are bound to admit that he opposed the infliction of the death penalty on the Donatists. (n) Yet on this we can only lay slight stress, for these plain reasons: – First, his arguments justify the death penalty; next, consistently with this he elsewhere does advocate it. (o) And thirdly, exile and confiscation in such a state of things as he himself described as existing in the North African Church would often mean death.

The Augustinian Revolution in Theology
By Thomas Allin
Pp. 162-166

For a list of all posts in this series please see: Posts Quoting From Thomas Allin’s “Augustinian Revolution in Theology”

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(a) Cf. “Epistolae,” 204.
(b) “Qui est et illis prædestinavit ad æternam mortem justissimus supplicii retributor [His is the most just punishment for those destined to eternal death]”: “De Anima,” iv. II.
(c) “Enchiridion de Fide, Spe et Charitate,” 100, I.
(d) “De Peccatorum meritis et remissione et de Baptismo parvulorum ad Marcellinum,” ii. 17.
(e) “De Peccatorum meritis et remissione et de Baptismo parvulorum ad Marcellinum libri tres,” ii. 18; see “De Gratia et Libero Arbitrio,” 21. [The passage is one of some difficulty, and has obviously been altered by transcribers. –Ed.]
(f) “Contra Iulianum opus imperfectum,” i. 130.
(g) “Ex duobus autem piis cur huic donetur perseverantiam usque ad finem, illi non donetur”: “De Dono Perseverantiae,” 9.
(h) “De Peccatorum meritis et remissione et de Baptismo parvulorum ad Marcellinum,” iii. 13.
(i) “De Correptione et Gratia,” 7-9, 13, “Mirandum est quidem multumque miraculum, quod filiis suis quibusdam Deus quos regeneravit in Christo, quibus fidem, spem, dilectionem dedit, non dat perserverantiam;” also “De Dono Perseverantiae,” 22.
(j) “De Correptione et Gratia,” 13. [Augustine says nothing in this particular passage about tears, prayers, or love. –Ed.]
(k) “De Dono Perseverantiae,” 22, “Improbissimum, importunissimum, incongruentissimum.”
(l) “Epistolae,” 97: “Accelerandum suggero, peto, obsecro, flagitor.”
(m) “Epistolae,” 93: “Mea prima sentential non erat nisi neminem ad unitatem Christi esse cogendum.”
(n) “Epistolae,” 100, 139.
(o) “De Utilitate Ieiunii,” 9; “Contra Gaudentium Donatistarum episcopum,” i. 28. Thus he says, “Your ancestors handed Cæcilianus over to kings for punishment by their slanders – let the lions be turned on to crushing the bones of the slanderers”: “Epistolae,” 95, 5.


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